Join Israeli President Isaac Herzog in dialogue at WEF 2026 in Davos on global leadership, diplomatic engagement, and strategic priorities shaping regional and international relations.
In Davos, Israeli President Isaac Herzog told Fareed Zakaria that Israel’s strategic posture has improved after a “war of various fronts,” but warned against complacency: “the dark clouds are still hanging out there.” He argued Iran remains the central threat, saying Tehran is “regrouping” and still pursuing “weapons of mass destruction,” while Hezbollah and the Houthis seek to rebuild. Herzog described Iran’s leadership as “quite a fragile situation,” emphasizing popular suffering and asserting that “the horizon… can only be in a regime change,” though he framed outcomes as ultimately dependent on Iranians and international support.
On Syria, he urged caution: while the Syrian people “deserve a better life,” reports of atrocities against Druze and Kurds make trust contingent on performance—“the proof of the pudding is in the eating.”
Regarding Gaza, Herzog endorsed a U.S.-led, UN-backed “20 point plan” and phased approach: first, “getting Hamas out as a military organization,” then a “major, major Marshall Plan for Gaza” under a technocratic administration. He acknowledged enforcement limits—“no one is willing to go into Gaza and fight except our military”—and underscored the hostage issue, demanding Hamas return “our last hostage.”
On Saudi normalization and statehood, he signaled openness to continued talks via the Abraham Accords framework, while deferring West Bank political outcomes to Israel’s coming election debate. Asked about pardoning Netanyahu, Herzog said any request must follow legal procedure and he would decide “according to the rules, the law and my conscience.”
Ladies and gentlemen, if, if I can get your attention, if those of you who are here for the session can. Settle down because we are going to start right away. If I can also just do a few moments of housekeeping with you, which is this. This session is being recorded for my, my Sunday program. And so not that I suspect this would happen, but if any of you have the thought of spontaneously booing or applauding, it would be better if you could. If you could save that all to the end of the, the interview, so that we can, we can have a an engaged conversation. I welcome the president's wife, who is also here. And, welcome all of you. Of course. In joining us for an important conversation. President Herzog, welcome.
Thank you. Thank you very much for it. It's always great to see you. Thank you.
So, since we've last spoken, it does seem as though Israel's strategic position has improved remarkably. Iran has been defanged. President Trump says the nuclear program is obliterated. The Syrian government, which has long been a foe of Israel, has been overturned. Hezbollah is a shadow of itself. And Hamas is at the very least neutered and all substantial forms. Israel controls, Gaza. To you, does this feel like Israel is in a more secure and commanding position than it has been in decades?
So I would say that, first of all, we are in a better position after fighting a war of various fronts heroically and bravely. But the dark clouds are still hanging out there. For example, it is clear to us that the Iranians are regrouping, and they haven't stopped for one moment in their plight to spread terror all over the world, as well as move towards their big grand plans of weapons of mass destruction. We know, and that Hezbollah is trying to do the same in meaning to regroup, rebuild its force. And perhaps once kind of to deceive us that it's not doing so. And we know that the Houthis are out there still conniving or and planning terror attacks. We should not sit on our laurels in any way. And of course, in Hamas. Hamas is still there in Gaza, holding our last hostage wrongfully, who we are screaming out loud to bring him back home according to the agreements that were agreed upon. So I would say, all in all, the balance sheet is better, but we should not be kind of over optimistic and believe that all is well because we live in a, you know, in a dangerous circumstance. And of course, in a volatile region.
When you look at Iran and you see these recent protests, which really have been the most widespread, certainly in several years, and the government is much weaker both economically and militarily. Do you think the Iranian regime is in danger of collapsing? And can the outside world do anything to to help hasten that collapse?
The Iranian people are yearning for change. The Iranian people deserve change. They deserve decent life. The Iranian people live under a very oppressive regime, a regime which has mowed thousands of its citizens and is torturing and is a jailing and is destroying thousands of families, perhaps tens of thousands, perhaps much more all around Iran, trying to crush the natural demand of human beings for a better life and for freedom. And you know what? Mind boggles me. All those who've attacked us for defending ourselves. Where are they? Where's Susan Sarandon, where's Cynthia Nixon? Where all of these people, why don't they? We see them demonstrating in front of the Iranian embassies or demonstrating in the streets of cities all over the world and crying out loud and saying, we support the Iranian people. And that shows the great hypocrisy that surrounds us, surrounded our fight for defending ourselves and actually changing the regional geostrategic trajectory. And I sincerely hope and pray and that there will be a change in Iran because Iran deserves better. The region deserves better. The world deserves better.
You hope and you pray it. But do you believe on the basis of the intelligence you've seen on the basis of your observations, that the regime is fragile and that this time these protesters could actually make a difference?
The people are suffering tremendously. There's shortage of food and water and so many other basic needs. The economy is is in shambles. The, the I mean, you know, the horizon, the future for the Iranian people can only be in a regime change. And that has to be, you know, at the end, within the realms of the Iranian people and the international community and its support. It's clear to me that the Ayatollah regime is in quite a fragile situation.
We hear reports out of Syria that ISIS fighters are being released, that there is a greater degree of chaos within, within the country. What is your understanding of what's going on in Syria, and how worried is Israel that it spills over in some way?
We look at Syria very cautiously. On the one hand, the Syrian people deserve a better life and the fall of the Assad regime, which is another example, when people got fed up and how it happened. And a lot had to do with Israel's, you know, battle to defend itself. And by that, also changing the entire regional structure. We are watching it very cautiously because we are worried about, our allies, the Druze on the South, and we have certain requirements as to their fate. We had received a really terrible reports of what happened in Sweida a few months back, including sexual violence against women, including, terrible atrocities. Now we got reports about what happened to the Kurds. It is also extremely worrying. We are watching that as well. I think the world has to know that, you know, this cannot be done by by way of killing your own people and your own nation. But again, I, I say the the overall aim should be a quiet and peaceful life and a peaceful coexistence with Syria. And we wish well to Syria. Syria and its leaders so that they can bring a better future for the Syrian people.
You believe still that this new Syrian government, is worth, trusting, worth supporting and hoping that it will.
So we listen to our friends, the Americans, who are very much involved in other nations in the region who are operating and meeting with President Qara and his team. I know they are trying their best. And I say always, you know, my mom taught me always a sentence from childhood, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. We have to see that it really goes in the right direction. Because as Senator Lindsey Graham tweeted this week, there were phenomenons that were extremely disturbing, and I think world attention should be focused on that too.
Let's talk about Gaza. What we have now is a ceasefire. And the ceasefire has ended a lot of the violence. But Israel is still engaged in almost daily attacks. Israel controls more than 50% of Gaza, and the other part is controlled by Hamas. So the conditions that Israel, that Prime Minister Netanyahu had set out, the total defeat of Hamas have not been achieved. Israel is still in Gaza. It feels like a very, unbalanced, settlement. Do you believe that there are steps forward that that are going to result in a resolution of some of these issues?
So, you know, that's where it comes in the incredible diplomatic effort of President Trump and his leadership, the carving out of the 20 point plan, which was later disseminated and implemented by a unique, unique historical Security Council resolution, which was adopted 13 to nil and which calls for the next phase, meaning getting Hamas out as a military organization and thereafter going for a major, major Marshall Plan for Gaza, with historic consequences for the entire region. Now, this has to be done. It's going to be launched as part of the Board of Peace and its operations that the government, the government of technocrats, which is accepted and agreed, which should take now the civilian management of Gaza. And the real test has to be Hamas leaving Gaza, Hamas as a military group leaving Gaza. This is the test of this movement from stage one to stage two, as well as, of course, the return of Ranvijay, our hostage, as soon as possible. That's where we're at. So it's not it's it's not a standstill. It's a stage by stage process whereby we've brought Hamas into a situation where we annihilated most most of its leaders, on the ground. And now the next phase has to be this international effort, which so far is building in front of our eyes. So we must give it a chance. And what I like about it is that it's thinking out the box. It's something rare. First of all, it brought us back our hostages, which was the most painful process and demand of all of us. And we want to seek it back. But most importantly, after that, on that achievement, on that process, it gave hope in my mind. The people of Gaza, the children of Gaza deserve a good life. They should have good life, just like all of us deserve good life in the region. But it cannot be under the thumb of terrorists and cannot be under the guns of terrorists. It has to be without terrorism and giving a future to the people of Gaza.
But when you look at the situation, is there any indication that Hamas is, going to be willing to, to leave? And if it isn't, the Arab states I talked to said they're not going to go in as a police force and disarm, Hamas fire on Palestinians who might be engaging in acts of what they consider resistance.
So there are a, you know, huge, efforts being discussed in these very moments, actually, in the halls of this conference, many ideas were discussed by many partners and people who are dealing with it. It seems to be, you know, challenging. But if, as the Americans say, they can do it and they can deliver by leading this huge international effort, which is also coordinated by the Cmcc, the special military compound near Kiryat Gat, where many representatives of many nations are working on questions like demining, decommissioning, questions that deal with the future of Gaza, the building, Gaza, the program to of huge amount of budgets that will go into Gaza and give a, you know, true overhaul of its infrastructure and create Gaza as a haven that we can live with and bring future to the Middle East would be remarkable. And we are now in it. It has to be tested. It is clear that no one is willing to go into Gaza and fight except our military and our soldiers, our sons and daughters. And that is made clear that the there will be a deadline to how long we can procrastinate in waiting to make sure that the terrorists are out. But in between, there is a major effort, and that's been discussed by the various parties to the agreement and to the UN Security Council resolution.
If the Gaza plan succeeds and there is a reconstruction and there is a technocratic government, and Palestinians do begin to be able to live in in peace and dignity, isn't the next step that they will ask for political rights. In other words, a path to statehood? And is that appropriate for them?
So the Security Council resolution and the 20 point plan have given, you know, the horizon for that effect. And I think that's a very important horizon, which has to be discussed, because the issue will be whether there are reforms on the Palestinian side. And how do you make sure that there will be peace and security for the Israelis and how we move on as nations in the Middle East? I think the greatness of the process right now is that it is also based on regional elements, and the fact that it's a regional process also gives strong winds to many new facets in the dialogue, such as economic improvement, economic dialogue, economic benefits, and so forth and so on that give vested interest to the people to see that there is a future rather than going to terror. This technocratic government will be tested by its ability to function well and bring forward a improvement of life quite quickly in Gaza, with the support of the international community and of course, with the increase of humanitarian aid as much as possible to Gaza.
Saudi Arabia has said that it will normalize relations with Israel only if there are serious and irreversible steps toward Palestinian statehood. Do you think that that is a deal that is that is conceivable.
Saudi Arabia is a very, very important nation. And I always say it's my dream to, you know, to see the crown prince and the leader of Saudi Arabia, signed with us an agreement on moving forward. But right now, what we have is the platform of the Abraham Accords. And the Abraham Accords were carved out in the first term of President Trump and has shown immense sustainability throughout this storm that has, you know, that we have seen in the Middle East throughout very difficult years. The Abraham Accords have shown immense, immense impact and immense strength and resilience. And we want to see more nations in the Abraham Accords. Take, for example, the enormous role of the United Arab Emirates in, in what we've seen, the huge humanitarian aid in Gaza, building hospitals in Gaza, being heavily involved in various processes such as the Board of Peace and and maintaining very strong relations with Israel and Saudi Arabia, is, you know, is the most important house of the Sunni. You know, the Sunni Muslims around the world with the holiest places for Islam. And I think that the vision of Saudi Arabia and Israel is a vision of rapprochement between Jewish and Muslim, which should be the future vision of the Middle East.
And therefore, could Israel agree to it.
So I'm saying, because it has to it's been dealt with also with other elements. You know, the crown prince, Sheikh Mohammed bin Salman in the white House, in the Oval Office mentioned, of course, the pathway for Palestinian state. It is clear the the position of the Saudis. And I'm sure that once we move on to the next phase of the Gaza plan and further processes, things will be discussed.
Right now in the West Bank, though things seem to be moving in the opposite direction. There are more settlements, more violence against Palestinians, more annexations. Is it is. Isn't that making a two state solution impossible?
So I would say that Israel is going into an election year and, it's going to be a very heated public debate on many, many issues. The issue of the two state solution, Palestinian state is an issue that is one of these issues that will be debated as head of state, which is not involved in the political system. I'm cautious as commenting exactly on the outcome of each of these issues and how they will be discussed and what is the right path. I would say also that I've said it previously, also in our previous interview that following October 7th, there is a lot of rethinking and analysis amongst Israelis about what is the best way of living together with our neighbors. I think it's a must that we build a future of coexistence and peace between Israelis and Palestinians. But how what will be the political format and the outcome will be discussed also in our elections.
In before the October 7th, massacres in the previous period of the kind of internal political debates in Israel, you did weigh in when it seemed to you that Israel's constitutional structure was being threatened by the current government. Do you worry that that issue will come up again? And will you speak out again?
So it is it will be also a major issue in our political arena. And of course, in the elections, the debate is around the boundaries between the three arms of government. I always made clear, and I keep on making clear, that I give strong support to the independence of the judiciary and, of course, to the way, you know, the nomination of judges and the support to our judges. But the debate as to the boundaries between the three arms of government is a debate that has been there with us for about a generation or so, and it is also an issue that is touching in many spheres of life. In Israel. It will be discussed heavily, during this election year, and at least on my part, I'll do my best. Truly, my I'll put my full weight that the debate and the discussion will be will not exceed and break the boundaries that are that must be kept in a decent and honorable democracy and within the the rules that should be honored under such circumstances.
President Trump has made a direct request to you. He has asked that you pardon Prime Minister Netanyahu in advance for any and all crimes he may have committed. Will you pardon Prime Minister Netanyahu?
So I've made clear on numerous times, and people simply sometimes tend to have an oversight under our laws and guidelines. Any such request has to go through, a certain procedure. And right now the request has to go through the procedure of collecting various opinions by the relevant agencies in the Ministry of Justice. I cannot violate that because, of course, I have to operate according to the rules. I've said time and again that I respect President Trump tremendously. And of course, we have our own legal system, and I will operate within its ambles. I must say that I've said time and again in the last few years that the court case that where Prime Minister Netanyahu is at the center of should have been resolved and should be resolved amicably, and because it has a very negative impact on our system, and I think that solutions should be found, the rest I will leave to the, you know, to the procedure, because at the end I will operate and take my decisions independently according to the rules, the law and my conscience. And that's what I can say at this moment.
But when you say it should be resolved amicably, that suggests you mean that I mean court cases.
I said in the past a few times that there should have been a settlement of this case. I mentioned in the Israeli public it hasn't come to fruition. And therefore came the process of the request for the pardon and also the letter and the request of President Trump, which I always, you know, I always respect, but I operate as the head of state of the Israeli nation, and I will operate accordingly.
Mr. president, thank you so much.
Thank you very much. Thank you.
Thank you. We have two questions. Oh, no. No, I don't think yes. Thank you. Thank you so much.
You are a great.